Archaic Homo Sapiens Narrative Background Notes and References

Sharon N. Solomon xerexes@yahoo.com

Dept. of Anthropology

University of Toronto Dec. 2000

Paleoenvironment

Research on Greenland and Antarctic ice cores (Hewitt 1999, 2000; Allen et. al. 2000) indicates that the Arctic ice cap became established approx. 2.4 mya (the beginning of the Quaternary). From then until approx. 900 kya, the ice sheets advanced and receded with a roughly 41 ky cycle. After that period, they have followed a 100 ky cycle (ibid.). The Croll-Milankovitch theory proposes that the regular variations in the Earth’s orbit around the sun are the controlling factors of the ice age cycles.

The main orbital eccentricity has a 100 ky cycle, variation in the Earth’s axial tilt has a 41 ky cycle and precession due to the Earth’s axial wobble has a 19-23 ky cycle. These factors, in conjunction with the energy transported by the oceanic circulation system, leads to significant climate changes (Hewitt 2000:907). There were 24 interstadials through the last ice age, with average temperatures rising rapidly by approx. 7?C over just decades (ibid.).

From approx. 130 to 71 kya, during and following the last interglacial, the climate was fairly warm, with some reversals (Hewitt 2000:912). This period is characterized with a predominance of temperate deciduous forests alternating with steppe conditions, in rapid succession (Allen et. al. 2000:740). During the forested periods, the mean temperatures were similar to modern values. However, during the steppe periods, they were approx. 12?C lower.

These severe climatic changes produced dramatic changes in species distributions. Species went extinct over large parts of their range: some dispersed to new locations, and some survived in biotic refugia and then expanded again (ibid.). Identified areas of biotic refugia include the southern peninsulas of Iberia, Italy, the Balkans, Greece and much of Turkey (Hewitt 1999:104). These refugia contributed to the post-glacial biotic colonization of Europe.

The Ice Ages lead to changes in vegetation patterns with forests disappearing and steppes and tundra opening up in their place. The colder climate, changing vegetation, and resulting migration of the animals had a great impact on the way in which our hominid ancestors evolved. Pleistocene vegetation displays a markedly lower degree of specific growth zones than is found today (ibid.). Prior to the end of the last ice age (approx. 10 kya), vegetation types, and their associated faunal species, appear to have been intermingled with each other (i.e. woodland, tundra and grassland) (Mithen 1996:244).

However, it is important to remember that the Ice Ages were not simply periods of extreme cold, characterized by windy steppes and tundra, and 2 km thick ice sheets. Within each 100 ky period, environmental conditions varied, dependent upon local geographic conditions such as latitude, elevation and topography (Tattersall and Schwartz 2000:205).

Multiregional Theory

The Multiregional hypothesis states that there is no one single origin for modern humans. It attempts to explain not only the origin of Homo sapiens sapiens, but also the existence of anatomical diversity in modern geographical populations. According to the Multiregional hypothesis, this diversity resulted from the evolution of distinctive traits, through adaptation and genetic drift, in different geographical regions that became established in early populations of Homo erectus (Thorne and Wolpoff 1992:28-29; Wolpoff and Caspari 1997). This persistence is known as regional continuity.

Multiregionalism traces all modern populations back to when humans first left Africa approx. 1 mya, through an interconnected web of ancient lineages in which the genetic contributions of all living peoples varied regionally and temporally. The analogy used is that of several individuals paddling in separate corners of a swimming pool; although they maintain their individuality over time, they influence one another with the spreading ripples (which are equivalent to genes flowing between populations) (Wolpoff and Caspari 1997).

Proponents of this hypothesis believe that the fossil record provides the real evidence for human evolution. Unlike genetic data, fossils can be matched to the predictions and theories about the past without relying on a long list of assumptions. The mtEve theory makes five predictions that the fossil evidence should prove (Ambrose 1998:624-625; Thorne and Wolpoff 1992:28): 1) modern humans from Africa completely replaced all other human groups; 2) the earliest modern humans appeared in Africa; 3) the earliest modern humans in other areas should have African features; 4) modern humans and the people they replaced should never have mixed or interbred; and 5) an anatomic discontinuity should be evident between the human fossils before and after the replacement.

mtDNA and mtEve

The main premise behind the mtDNA research was based on the assumption that genes mutate at a constant rate. If the rate of gene mutation was known, then evolutionary changes can be dated. Human body cells contain not only the DNA that resides in their nuclei, they also carry a small quantity of DNA in their mitochondria. Mitochondria are structures in the outer part of the cell that functions as the ‘powerhouse’ behind cell operations. Mitochondral DNA is a small circle of DNA in the mitochondria. It is present in several copies per mitochondrion so that the overall there are hundreds of copies per cell. mtDNA has several important properties that make it suitable as a molecular marker (Cann 1987:31-33; Stoneking 1993:607-608; Tattersal and Schwartz 2000; Thorne and Wolpoff 1992:28-29; Holliday 1997:426): 1) It lacks the elaborate self repairing mechanisms of nDNA and thus accumulates mutations at a high rate. (Roughly 10 times that of nuclear DNA, which allows the main branches in the genealogy to be sequenced more easily); 2) It is largely free of noncoding DNA; 3) mtDNA consists of about 16,500 nucleotides as opposed to nDNA which has more than 3 billion, so it makes comparisons easier; and 4) It is maternally inherited so the gene tree is an estimate of maternal genealogy. The paternal contribution is apparently destroyed or subsequently lost. However, some allele positions in the DNA may undergo parallel or back mutation, as a result there are many different methods to gene tree construction.

mtDNA evidence for Out of Africa

In 1978 Cann, Wilson and Stoneking removed DNA samples from the placentas of 147 women of 5 different ethnic groups (African American, East Asian, Caucasian, aboriginal Australian and New Guinean). They then ran the data through a maximum parsimony program to produce a gene tree in which the geographic origins of the sample were indicated (Tattersal and Schwartz 2000; Thorne and Wolpoff 1992:28-29). The tree was divided into two main branches: one including only Africans and the other containing members of all five populations. This suggested that non Africans had an African origin. By calibrating the molecular clock against the archaeological date for the colonization of New Guinea, they estimated that the common ancestor in the tree lived 140-290 kya. The Out of Africa migration could have occurred at anytime between 13-180 kya (Cann 1987:31-33; Stoneking 1993:607-608). Africa seemed to be the source for human lineages not only because Africans contained the root, but because they were the most diverse region.

Early Modern Homo sapiens

Roughly 100 kya a new form of hominid appeared. It has been proposed that during this interglacial period, hominids belonging to an East African biotic community, expanded northward out of Africa, across the Sinai Peninsula and into the southern Levant (Holliday 1997:426; Ambrose 1998:625). This date is important because it suggests that modern humans left Africa during the generally warm, humid last interglacial period and it provides support for the Out of Africa hypothesis (ibid.).

The earliest anatomically modern humans are found in the Near East, in the caves of Qafzeh and Skhul (dating between 100 and 80 kya), Omo-Kibish, Ethiopia (approx. 130 kya), and in South Africa at Border Cave (approx. 100 kya) and Klasies River Mouth (140 to 20 kya). Questionable fossil specimens are found in Jebel Irhoud, North Africa; Dar es Soltan Cave, Morocco (approx. 40 kya); Singa, Sudan (approx. 133 kya); Laetoli, Tanzania (approx. 120 kya); Guomde, Kenya (approx. 180 kya); and Florisbad, South Africa (approx. 180 kya) (Mithen 1996:25; Tattersall and Schwartz 2000:225-227). Stature estimation ranges between 1.2 and 2 m, and cranial capacity ranges between 1370 cc and 2000 cc.

These hominids were robust (skeletally) but shared more derived features with modern Homo sapiens than with Neanderthals or other hominid species. These features consist of (Tattersall and Schwartz 200:203-204) :

1) a small face and a protruding chin: there is no clear consensus for the functional significance of the chin. It may be due to a reduction in face size, to reduce chewing stress of the mandible, or it may be an adaptation to speech production;

2) smaller teeth and jaws than other hominids: it has been proposed that anatomically modern humans did not use their teeth as tools to the same degree as earlier hominids, hence the reduction in size;

3) a rounded skull with high forehead and reduced brow ridges: the raising of the cranial vault has been associated with more complex cognitive functions and changes in brain structure, which seems highly unlikely since overall brain size was reduced;

4) a bipartite brow, or two component brow; and

5) Less robust post cranial skeleton characterized by long limbs with thinner walled bones, lightly built hands, short, thick pubic bones and distinctive shoulder blades. These features are said to reflect a greater dependency on tool usage instead of muscular strength.

This early group, with their derived features and mtDNA supported dates, are assumed to be the founding group for modern Homo sapiens, even though there is no archaeological evidence which indicates that they were intellectually different from the contemporary Neanderthals.

Diet

Both Neanderthals and archaic Homo sapiens appeared to have hunted similar fauna. These include eland, gazelle, several species of deer, rhino, horses, bovids, as well as small mammals and birds (Mithen 1996:246; Albert and Weiner 2000:933; Albert et. al. 1999:1249: Hockett 2000:715). There has been some evidence of seal and tortoise hunting, and shellfish collection in some coastal sites (Mithen 1996:246; Klien and Cruz-Uribe 2000:171-172).

However, even in modern human populations, meat rarely forms the bulk of the diet. Plant derived proteins and carbohydrates provide most of the dietary requirements. Additionally, the lack of fish bones found at these sites may have more to do with excavation techniques and parameters than the full dietary range of both Neanderthals and archaic Homo sapiens.

The Kebara Cave site (Israel) contains abundant visible hearths which range in size from 30 cm to more than 1 meter in diameter (Albert and Weiner 2000:934). Phytolith studies of hearth sediments indicate that a wide variety of plant materials, other than those used as fuel, were brought into the cave (ibid.). Occupants at the Tabun Cave site in Israel apparently used a natural opening in the ceiling as both an animal trap and a chimney for large hearths (Albert et. al. 1999:1250).

Technologies

Discussions of hominid technologies focus on lithics and bone tools, simply because these tend to preserve archaeologically. However, ethnographic studies of modern hunter gatherers, as well as logical deduction, clearly indicate that the majority of ‘tools’ are either fabricated from perishable materials such as plants and animal skins, or are items which are not modified in any way to indicate its usage.

Another bias in the literature is the assumption that archaic Homo sapiens, by their very taxonomic identification, were superior to their contemporaries, the Neanderthals (and any other, as yet unidentified, hominid species). This is confidently stated throughout the literature, even though both employed the same technologies, lived in the same regions, ate a similar diet, had similar group sizes and practiced similar methods of burial (Boyd and Silk 1997:467).

Tool cultures did not remain static throughout human evolution. The change from one tool culture to another was gradual, with much overlap existing during the period of transition. Neanderthals and archaic Homo sapiens both used and manufactured Mousterian tools. This tool technology dates to 250 kya in Europe (Tattersall and Schwartz 2000:207). Also known as the prepared core technique, this method allowed the tool maker to produce an instrument with a larger cutting edge in less time and from less raw material than before. A stone core was carefully shaped, to the point where a single blow would detach a semifinished tool or series of tools, of predefined form. This process has been proposed as a factor in developing cognitive complexity (ibid.).

There is no certainty that we can fully understand what function these flakes served. During the middle of the 20th century, an elaborate typology of Mousterian stone tool types was devised. More than 60 separate sorts of flakes were identified as well as a large number of handaxe types (Tattersall and Schwartz 2000:207). However, further research suggested that some of these flakes were the result of retouching, wear from usage and geographic variations in tool making and resource availability.

During this time period small stone blades and ground bone tools first appear. While pieces of bone and antler appear at Neanderthal sites, they are assumed to have been used as opportunistic, not intentional, tools (Tattersall and Schwartz 2000: 208). The small flakes found at archaic Homo sapiens sites, have been interpreted as being designed for multicomponent tools, and the ground bones employed as fish hooks or harpoons (Mithen 1996:183). Both Neanderthals and archaic Homo sapiens may to have used short thrusting spears, with either fire hardened tips or attached stone points (Mithen 1996:180). Studies of wear patterns on Mousterian flakes have shown that some were used to ‘work wood’. This could encompass wiping the flake on a tree trunk, cutting wood or sharpening a stick or spear (Tattersall and Schwartz 2000:208).

Behaviour

Social

It has been proposed that sociability developed in several evolutionary steps: bonding and partner proximity, parental care, affection and friendliness (Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1989:167-169). Bonding and partner proximity may have developed as a means of predator avoidance and as a means to facilitate mating (i.e. schooling fish, flocking birds). Parental care is defined as individualized bonding between the mother and offspring, which developed in mammals whose young could move about shortly after birth (ibid.). The mother offspring relationship is reciprocal. Mothers understand the distress calls of their species’ young, and can recognize their individual young. Oxytocin production during the birth process has been proposed as a factor in the initial mother offspring bond (ibid.). The behavioural patterns of affection and infant appeals evident in the mother offspring bond, may have been a preadaptation for adult bonding and friendliness (ibid.).

Xenophobia

Fear of strangers, xenophobia, is present cross-culturally amongst all modern human groups. It has been proposed that xenophobia is a phylogenetic adaptation which is mitigated through learning. It first appears in modern human infants around five to six months after birth (Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1989:170-175). After this time, they are able to distinguish between individuals they know and strangers. When confronted with a stranger, the child will first smile but then turn away and hide its face, after which the child will reinitiate visual contact (ibid.). Eye contact is used to signal that the channels of communication are open, but if eye contact is maintained too long, it becomes threatening.

Even children who are blind and deaf from birth display a fear of strangers (ibid.). If the stranger maintains a distance, the child can make friends. However, if the stranger approaches, the child’s behaviour turns to fear and panic. This reaction is stronger if the stranger deviates from the ethnic appearance of the child’s parents (ibid.). However, in the absence of the mother, the child will actively seek contact with the stranger.

Group size

During much of the Pleistocene, early hominids would have lived in small, mobile groups. Females and their children would be distributed in relation to food resources, and males would congregate near the females (Miller 2000:190). Group size estimates range from 20 to 200 individuals (Mithen 1996:248:). Group membership would have been variable, according the the availability of local resources (Miller 2000:181). The most basic model of group size divides environmental conditions into ‘good’ and ‘bad’ years (Klien and Cruz-Uribe 2000:172). During good years, higher birth rates, while innately risky, will tend to be favoured while the lower birth rates are favored during bad years (Madsen et. al. 1999:260).

Mathematical models predict that throughout their lifetimes, ancestral hominids would have come into contact with anywhere from several hundred to a thousand members of the same local population, from which sexual partners would have been selected (Miller 2000:181). Due to social pressures, the larger the group size, the higher the incidents of aggressive behaviours (Schaffner and French 1997:177).

Sexual selection and Mate choice

In an ethnographic survey of 849 modern societies, 708 (83.5%) were deemed polygynous, 137 (16%) monogamous and 4 were polyandrous (Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1989:235). While this gives the impression that polygyny is typical of modern human societies, only leaders and wealthy males within polygynous societies had more than one wife, with monogamous marriages being 2.5 times as frequent as polygynous ones (ibid.). Even in a polygynous marriage, males seldom have more than two wives (ibid.).

In monogamous societies, polygyny is expressed in the form of extramarital relationships or concealed by a pattern of serial monogamy (divorce, remarriage) (Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1989:235: Mace 2000:5). The polygynous inclination has been explained by the fact that males have a higher reproductive potential in comparison to females, since there is a restriction upon the number of children a woman can bear and raise (ibid.; Ihara and Aoki 1999:77-78; Cunningham and Birkhead 1998:1314; Low 2000:102). It has been proposed that the matrilineal family was the initial family group, with females bonded to children who were no longer physiologically dependent upon them (Tyrell 1978 cited in Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1989:237). It has been suggested that the extended period of childhood and adolescence has evolved in response to social pressures associated with learning (ibid.; Joffe 1997:594).

However, early hominids would not have been as constrained by social pressures or cultural norms. Nonanthropological evolutionary models propose that these hominids would have had sexual experiences before puberty, and engaged in both short and long-term partnerships (Miller 2000:186). It would seem highly unlikely that there would be a desire for a ‘life’ mate when mortality rates were so high and group sizes were so small.

Based upon cross-cultural studies, the following female physical traits have been suggested to be preferred by males: lighter skin colour, lower waist to hip ratio, neotenous face, large breasts, full lips, and clear skin (ibid.; Mace 2000:5; Low 2000:80). Most studies equate these traits with youth. However, there is no reason to assume that ancestral hominids were so picky. As long as the female was still fertile there is no real hindrance, other than personal preference, to forming a sexual liaison (Miller 2000:212).

Ironically, when these same studies report what females desire in a mate, the responses tend to reflect economic rather than evolutionary adaptations (Low 2000:78-90). Studies which do attempt to look for evidence of phylogenetic sexual selection in males, they tend to focus on penis size and its connection to the female orgasm (Miller 2000:226-241).

Modern human females and males reach sexual maturity (puberty) at a much later date than other primates (i.e. 13 years instead of 9 years of age) before that time, they are infertile (Low 2000:94: Miller 2000:211). However, since modern humans have a longer life span, and the average interbirth intervals are shorter than that of the great apes, and the reproduction rate is much higher (ibid.). Reproductive scheduling in modern human females ranges from 2.5 to 3.5 year interbirth intervals, compared to 4-5 years for chimpanzees (Mace 2000:5). Birth intervals tend to increase with age even before menopause is reached. It has been proposed that this may be an evolved response, as well as part of the aging process, derived from sibling competition as well as the cost of parental investment in response to environmental conditions (ibid.; Low 2000:97). One rarely sees the acknowledgment that engaging in sexual activity does not automatically result in conception, and even then it is used to support the ‘long-term’ partnership hypothesis (Miller 2000:186; Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1989:239).

Reproduction terminates with the programmed senescence of the reproductive organs, menopause, roughly 20 years before the rest of the body (ibid.). Other female mammals spend approx. 10% of their lives as postreproductive adults, while modern human females spend roughly 30% (Low 2000:94). The grandmothering hypothesis proposes that menopause may have evolved in order for older females to assist their children to reproduce, rather than to continue to do so themselves (Mace 2000:6).

Land use strategies

The dwelling sites of Neanderthals and archaic Homo sapiens were often located in rock shelters, the mouths of caves or open air sites (Tattersall and Schwartz 2000:209). Rock shelters and near the entrance of caves were desirable places to live since they are light and airy, as well as sheltered (ibid.). These particular locations are more well studied, simply do to factors of preservation.

While it is accepted that Homo erectus was capable of building a simple brush covered dwellings, Neanderthals are assumed not to have the ability to build a shelter. However, at the site of Combe-Grenal, France, a natural cast of a ‘tent peg’, closely laid cobble ‘floors’ and shallow ‘storage pits’ have been found (Tattersall and Schwartz 2000:209). At the Southern French beach site of Terra Amata, excavations revealed evidence of what might have been 21 separate oval living floors within branch and brush huts, attributed to archaic Homo sapiens (Galanidou 2000:274). These structures apparently were up to 22 m long and 10 m wide. Among modern foragers and horticulturists who employ rock shelters and caves as campsites, there appears to be no consensus as to the use of space (Galanidou 2000:274). Differences in the number, size, usage and location of hearths, sleeping arrangements, refuse disposal, activity areas, usage of open air sites and ‘furnishings’ were all deemed to be subject to individual group preferences (ibid.).

It has been proposed that archaic Homo sapiens occupied seasonal habitation sites based upon a ‘herd following’ adaptation (Kusimba 1999:167). This is based upon the assumption that hunters would have been able to easily kill sick animals as the grazing herd migrated (ibid.). However, ethnographic data suggest that modern hunter-gatherers rarely move their settlements since they rely on accessible plant foods for their dietary needs more so than upon grazing animals (ibid.).

Rituals

The oldest grave sites have been associated with archaic Homo sapiens or Neanderthals. Almost all of these individuals have been found buried with something, for example flowers or jewelry. However, the appearance of burials in the archaeological record should not be used as an indication of cognitive advance or something uniquely human. There are millions of modern humans who do not bury their dead but still hold complex cognitive beliefs.

Secondly, these burials may simply have been a method of protecting the dead from scavengers or they may be taphonomic illusions (Tattersall and Schwartz 2000:213). The conventional bias is to assume that if these were intentional burials, those assigned to archaic Homo sapiens are granted symbolic meaning while Neanderthal burials contain items which were just lying around the cave floor (i.e. animal bones and stone tools) and then “kicked or shoveled into the grave as part of the filling process” (Tattersall and Schwartz 2000:214).

In the cave of Qafzeh, a child was found buried with the skull and antlers of a deer (Mithen 1996:180). At Skhul, one of the burials contained a body which had been laid on its back, with the jaws of a wild boar placed within its hands (ibid.). The placing of animal parts within the burials has been interpreted as evidence of some form of totemic thought. There is also a significant increase in the amount of red ochre found at sites associated with early modern humans. Although it is not certain how the ochre was employed, some researchers have hypothesized it use in rituals as a body paint (Mithen 1996:182; Powers and Aiello 1997:153-154).

The European cave art seems to have been associated with ceremonies, which may have been accompanied by music. Drum sticks, flutes, and bull roarers were found near the paintings in Lascaux Cave. Some researchers have suggested that they were, in part, depicting their spirit world (Mithen 1996:182). The fact that footprints of both adults and children have been found in some of the caves near the paintings has also suggested that the art was connected with initiation ceremonies (ibid.). Some evolutionary psychologists view early ‘art’ as an expression of cognitive expansion and diversity while others propose that it serves as a sexual ornamentation for males (since only males would be producing art to attract females) (Miller 2000:258-275). It is important to remember that Europe was not the only part of the world in archaic Homo sapiens produced art. Depictions of animals were being painted in southern African, Siberia and Australia

Some cave walls and bone artifacts have sequences of incised marks or ticks, and have been interpreted as being calendrical systems. Such marks appear on bone artifacts made by late Neanderthals, but they did not become common until the Upper Paleolithic. If calendars were being made, it implies that some people were recognizing the cyclical nature of the seasons. To people dependent on seasonally available foods and migrating herds, a calendar would have allowed accurate predictions that would make the food quest more efficient. Also of great value to Upper Paleolithic hunter and gatherers would have been maps. A 16 ky old bone found at Mezhirich in Ukraine, apparently shows the countryside around an anatomically modern human settlement (Mithen 1996:182).

While the above examples fall within the Upper Paleolithic period, the precursors to these behaviours must have been laid during the preceding millennia. For example, rock art and carvings may have been placed on the outside of rock shelters and caves and eroded due to environmental forces. Similarly, if symbolic representations were created using perishable materials such as hides or wood, or were temporary creations, such as Tibetan sand paintings, there would be no trace of the actions or intent. The same would be true of body ornamentation in the form of tattoos and piercings. We are lulled into a false belief that all material objects will stand the test of time and taphonomy. However, even in our current material obsessed western culture, few items survive several decades without deliberate conservation intervention.

References

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Albert, Rosa M., Weiner, Steve, Bar-Yosef, Ofer and Meignen, Liliane 2000 Phytoliths in the Middle Palaeolithic deposits of Kebara Cave, Mt. Carmel, Israel: study of the plant materials used for fuel and other purposes. Journal of Archaeological Science 27:951-947.

Allen, Judy R. M., Brandt, Ute, Brauer, Achim, Hubbertens, Hans-Wolfgang, Huntley, Brian, Keller, Jörg, Kraml, Michael, Mackensen, Andreas, Mingram, Jens, Negendank, Jörg F. W., Nowaczyk, Norbert H., Oberhänsli, Hedi, Watts, William A., Wulf, Sabine and Zolitschka, Bernd 1999 Rapid environmental changes in southern Europe during the last glacial period. Nature 400:740-743.

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Survivor: Archaic Homo Sapiens in the Time of Neanderthals

Sharon N. Solomon xerexes@yahoo.com

Dept. of Anthropology

University of Toronto Dec. 2000

NOTE: This is a fictional evolutionary scenario written for a graduate seminar in Reproductive Ecology. While some human evolutionary data has been incorporated into the narrative, it is not intended to be viewed as anything other than an imaginative interpretation of the data

Life in the Tagi Tribe: Zhou’s Story

Zhou stood at the entrance of the rock shelter and looked down into the valley below. The sun was still shining brightly in the late afternoon sky, creating sharp contrasts of light and shadow throughout the landscape. Off in the distance, the light reflected off of the surface of a large glacial lake. Countless varieties of birds flocked and circled along the lake shore, raising and falling in spiraling patterns of flight and feeding. Great herds of migrating gazelle, antelope, bison, horses, aurochs, mammoth and wooly rhinoceros made their way across the valley, raising billowing clouds of dust. Squinting her eyes against the sun’s bright glare, she scanned for the hunting party.

Behind her, she heard the clamour of activity as cooking fires and young children were tended. From the corner of her eye she could see a small group of children chasing each other around some fallen rocks. They ranged in age from four to nine, still too young to be helpful with the cooking or hunting, but old enough to occupy themselves while the rest of the tribe was busy. She, of course, was beyond their simple play. Very soon, she knew, she would start her monthly cycle and join the ranks of the adult females. Once she shed her first menstrual blood, she would be taken into the women's shelter, and initiated into the ranks of adult females. Her ears would be pierced and she would receive a totemic tattoo. Until she bore her first child, she could only wear two braids in her hair. Afterward, she could do what she liked. But that would come in time. Until then, the only thing which identified her as female were the beads she wore in her long, braided hair.

She glanced over her shoulder at the activity behind her. There were several small fires and one large central cooking hearth. Both males and females were busy, either preparing the evening meal, making or repairing tools or tending to young infants. There were thirty people in the Tagi summer camp; twelve adults over the age of twenty, ten young adults between the ages of eleven and fourteen who had completed their rites of passage into adulthood, and eight children under the age of ten. The oldest adult was Qafzeh. At sixty-five, she was the matriarch and current leader of the tribe.

The physical characteristics of the members of the Tagi tribe were quite varied. Skin color ranged through several shades of light sandy beige to deep, ruddy browns. The older adults had deeply lined faces, although this was not an accurate indication of their true age. Some tribal members had low, prominent foreheads, deep set eyes, and large facial features. Others had relatively smaller, flat faces, with a high forehead and a protruding lower jaw. The remainder of the tribe exhibited a combination of these facial characteristics.

Hair and eye colour ranged in a plethora of combinations throughout the tribe. There were as many brown eyed blondes with tightly curled hair, as there were blue eyed brunettes with straight locks. The stature of the adults ranged from 1.5 to 1.8 m, with males and females roughly the same height. Body shape was also quite variable. All of the adults were leanly muscular, with well developed thighs and calves. Some Tagi members, no matter how much they gorged themselves, never seemed to increase in size. Others tended to increase in girth, even if they ate in moderation.

Childcare in the Tagi tribe was communal, although new mothers tended to spend most of their time fussing over their own children. Both males and females took as active a role as they desired in the raising of their young, dependent upon their individual personalities. Zhou's own mother, Hadar, seldom spent time with any of her three children. Hadar, at thirty-four, was one of the best hunters in their tribe. While she was well liked, she preferred to spend time away from the rest of the tribe, exploring the surrounding areas in solitude.

There were no formalized family units within the tribe. Liaisons and alliances formed and dissolved fluidly over time. As long as a new member attempted to integrate into the tribe, they were free to stay as long as they wished. In the case of consorts, these alliances seldom lasted more than a few years. Some breakups were more dramatic than others, of course. During the last full moon, Qafzeh had kicked her last consort out of the tribe, with a hail of rocks and verbal abuses.

On either side of the rock shelter were a variety of favoured berry bushes and fruit trees. These seemed to spring up in areas used by the tribe for defecation. Below the rock shelter, in a natural crevasse, animal bones and other food waste which could not be burned, were deposited. Beyond this area lay a thick forested region, broken occasionally by clearings and other rock shelters. The forest was home to a variety of animals such as red deer, rabbits, and boar. Heading down river, within a morning’s walk, slightly higher up the ridge, was the rock shelter occupied by The Oprah. Originally a member of the Pagong tribe, she was the spiritual counselor and medicine woman for both Tagi and Pagong tribes.

Continuing in the same direction, was the rock shelter of the Pagong tribe. Members of the Pagong tribe resembled the members of the Tagi tribe. The Pagong members were generally more heavily muscled, and appropriately strong. Their facial features seemed larger, and their eyes more deeper set, however, there was the same variation in stature, skin, hair and eye color, as found in the Tagi tribe. Their speech patterns were characteristically low pitched and husky, but easily understandable.

Pagong had been a trading and alliance partner with Tagi for as long as anyone could remember. Individuals frequently moved between tribes, for varying lengths of time, either as consorts or as new members. Both groups were trading partners with the tribes across the river, and as such, no tribe feared attack by any of the others. The biggest concern for all the tribes were fatal injuries sustained while foraging or hunting, mysterious wasting diseases, wounds which would not heal, and the dangers of childbirth and infancy.

Zhou returned to her look out for the hunting party. She scanned down the trail from the rock shelter to the valley. Then she spotted them. A group of seven men and women wearing light hide wraps around their hips, bare chested and carrying the day’s catch amongst them. At the front of the tribe, with a large pack on her back, strode Hadar. Zhou was still to far away to make out any conversation, but she could tell by their body language that the group had had a successful day from their animated gestures and crackles of laughter.

She hurried to collect her younger brothers. The rocks amongst which they were playing were covered with bright ochre hand prints and an assortment of squiggles, randomly placed at varying heights and locations. Two little boys with ochre stained hands were intently adding their contribution the rock face, while a group of little boys and girls nattered excitedly to each other as they fashioned flakes from a pile of stones. Unfortunately, just as she arrived, little Afar chose that moment to hit his big brother, Pith, on the nose with a small rock. Suddenly, in a domino effect, the rock shelter was pierced with screams from all of the little children as Pith’s nose dripped blood down his face and onto his chest. Her heart pounding with both fear and anger, Zhou grabbed both little boys by the arms and hauled them off to their sleeping area to tend to the damage.

Roughly placing Afar on his sleeping hide, Zhou turned her attention to the weeping Pith. Instructing him to sit still, she carefully cleaned away the quickly drying bloody with soft, damp bedding grasses. Placing a bundle of some sweet smelling herbs into a small bag, she told Afar to hold it gently against Pith’s nose while she went for some water. Making her way past the hide partitions of each sleeping area, Zhou entered the tribe’s storage area at the back of the rock shelter. Covered woven baskets were filled with a variety of nuts, fruits, berries, and dried meats. These baskets were placed in leather lined, natural depressions in the rock shelter floor to keep them cool and dry. Next to this area was a small, deep depression which was filled with fresh water. This pool was fed by the steady flow of water down the rear walls of the shelter. Collecting water in a hollowed gourd, and filling her sack with an assortment of fruits and dried meat, Zhou hurried back to her brothers.

The tribe did not eat communally but in small groups scattered in favourite locations around the rock shelter. While there were no assigned tasks, it was generally the younger adults and children who were responsible for trapping small animals, and the gathering of fruits, berries and firewood. All adults, were entrusted with group defense, cooking, tending the fires, hunting large game, and the care of young children. At night, the adults took turns tending the fire and keeping a defensive watch for strangers and predatory animals.The smell of roasting meat filled the rock shelter. The members of the hunting party had given their packs full of meat to those tending the cooking fires. The meat would be cleaned and seasoned with herbs. A portion of the meat was smoked and dried for storage. The remainder would be cooked and distributed amongst the tribe. The hunters headed back down the slope to the river to wash the day’s grime and blood from their bodies.

Birth: Koobi’s Story

Koobi closed her eyes and clenched her teeth to stifle a cry of pain as the contraction racked her body. She had been experiencing labour pains since before the sun came up that morning. The muscles in her thighs burned as she tried to retain her squatting position. She leaned back against the supporting body of Qafzeh, who murmured soothing noises into her ear while firmly massaging Koobi’s distended belly. The heat in the women's shelter was almost oppressive, and the smoke from the fire was beginning to sting her eyes. Fora wiped her daughter’s brow with a soft leaf, and stroked Koobi’s sweat matted hair in compassion. Turkana and Tanzania, Koobi’s birth mates, chanted rhythmically to the accompaniment of bone rattles. The flint flakes inside the leather pouches produced a high pitched tinkling sound as their bone handles were shaken in a precise semicircular pattern. Aromatic herbs smoldered in the fire, serving both to relax and cleanse Koobi through the birth of her third child.

Breathing slowly and deeply, Koobi gave one final push and placed one hand between her legs to catch her baby as it made its entrance into the world. The bed of dried grasses on which she had spent the last several hours squatting had become saturated with blood and other bodily fluids. While Koobi wiped her new son clean with a soft piece of hide, Fora quickly added a fresh layer of bedding grasses and waited for the placenta to drop. Qafzeh deftly freed the baby from its umbilical cord with a swipe of a small flint blade. She then wrapped placenta in a broad leaf and placed the bundle in the fire.

Koobi cooed softly to her son, cradling him against her engorged breasts. He waved his wrinkled fists in the air, and opened his eyes to stare at his mother for the first time. The other women had now gathered around Koobi to softly offer wishes of praise, but were careful not to touch the new baby. Slowly they moved to the far end of the shelter, leaving Koobi, lying on a fresh bedding of grasses and hides, to nurse her son.

Outside of the women's’ shelter, near the main living quarters of the rock shelter, Omo, Koobi’s current consort tended to her first born son, Nagadon. At six, Nagadon was a willful and spoiled child. He was rarely out of the company of his mother, and for the last few hours had been trying the patience of the entire tribe with a hysterical screaming fit. Usually, the children of the band were quite independent and social once they had been weaned. However, Omo had been allowed to nurse continuously since his birth, due in no small part to the miscarriage of Koobi’s second child the previous summer. Qafzeh lifted the flap of the shelter and moved to join the group sitting by the communal fire. The members of the Tagi tribe would not acknowledge the birth of a child until a complete lunar cycle had passed. At that point, there would be a naming ceremony and the child would be admitted as a member of the tribe. Until then, Koobi would remain inside of the women’s shelter, attended by her birth mates and mother.

Sex or Mating?: Hadar’s Story

Hadar silently made her way along the animal trail. The forest surrounding the rock shelter was full of a variety predators as well as prey. She scanned for the location of the boar trap she had set the previous day, while carefully noting different animal tracks and droppings lining the route. Towering trees filtered the afternoon sun, highlighting the colour palette of the countless varieties plants. The trail opened into a small clearing, which was lined by tall shrubs and thick berry bushes on all sides.

Suddenly, she sensed that she is being watched. Standing still, poised to either flee or attack, Hadar tensed her muscles and clutched her spear. Hearing a rustle in the bushes, close to the boar trail, Hadar raised her spear and took aim. From behind the bushes, a low pitched, husky male voice called out a friendly greeting. He identified himself as Tabun, a member of the neighbouring Pagong tribe. Raising both hands in the air, in a gesture of goodwill, he slowly entered the clearing and walked in Hadar’s direction.

Her heart still pounding from the adrenaline rush moments before, Hadar gaped at the male approaching her. He was about her height, with sun bleached, matted blond hair tied back with a leather strap. His deep set green eyes were framed by thick, dark lashes. He was a little fairer skinned than she was, but had the characteristic broad, heavily muscled build and strong facial features of the Pagong tribe. There was a rush of heat to her face, and a hollow feeling in the pit of her stomach as she stared at Tabun. Her glance lingering on his broad chest, flat stomach, muscular arms and legs. Both of his arms were covered in tattoos, and scar ran from the tip of his left shoulder to the nipple.

While she had been intently staring at him, Tabun had performed his own inventory of her physical features. She was not as muscular or broad as the women in his tribe, and her face was small with a round forehead. Her hair was a wavy, reddish brown and cut to her shoulders. Her breasts were of average size, and her waist and hips were in proportion to the rest of her body. She had long legs and arms, which gave her the appearance of being much taller and slighter than the females of Pagong. He couldn’t tell what color her eyes were since the pupils were completely dilated. A flush had spread across her breasts up to her cheeks. He noticed that her nipples had hardened while he was approaching her.

Unconsciously straightening his posture and tightening the muscles in his abdomen, he patted his hair with one hand as he completed the final steps to where she was standing. Tabun stared directly into her eyes and smiled broadly at Hadar. She felt flustered, blood pounding loudly in her ears, her breathing quickened in excitement. It felt as though her heart would leap out of her chest. Flipping her hair, she dropped her gaze and muttered that she was checking her traps. Raising her hand to push the hair out of her eyes, she dropped her spear in nervous excitement.

They both reached down to pick it up at the same time and brushed up against one another. Slowly straightening, Tabun took a step back. Hadar closed the distance between them. She ran a finger along his scar, and slid her other hand under his hide wrap. Tabun leaned forward and placed his mouth on the nape of her neck. Using his lips and tongue, he traced a path to the sensitive skin at the base of her throat. His hands moved in long, slow strokes down her back to her buttocks. She pressed her body to his, and began to stimulate his penis with her hand. Both were now breathing heavily, faces flushed, blood pounding in their veins.

Hadar pushed Tabun to the ground, removed her hide wrap and straddled him. He assisted her by pushing his wrap aside, before placing his hands on her hips to position her onto his erection. Both uttered moans of satisfaction as Hadar slowly raised and lowered herself to meet Tabun’s thrusts. He fondled her breasts as she threw back her head in orgasmic bliss. After several minutes, Tabun grabbed Hadar firmly by the hips and with a few final thrusts, arched his back as he climaxed. She stimulated herself to orgasm one final time and then collapsed, spent but invigorated, onto the grass beside Tabun. When she had regained her breath, she stood up, brushed herself off and retied her wrap. As she bent down to collect her spear and pack, she gave Tabun a brief, hard kiss on the mouth, and then headed back to the Tagi rock shelter without a backward glance.

Death: Klasies’ Story

A small group of Tagi members, led by Qafzeh, carefully made their way across the valley to the leopard’s tree. A few days before, a group of young adults and children gathering firewood and tubers, had been attacked. The children, protected within the circle formed by the young adults, were not harmed but several of their protectors suffered deep cuts. With time, these wounds would heal, and they would bear a permanent testament of their bravery on their bodies.

However, one of the young male was not so lucky. At 14, Klasies was a tall, strapping adult. He was known for his gentle nature and delicate features. It was acknowledged by the tribe that, while he would never be a strong hunter, he was very innovative and well liked. It was Klasies who would teach the younger children nonsensical, rhythmic chants to help them remember the names of animals and plants. He had even fashioned a two-part spear to aid in the hunting of aurochs and horses, although only Hadar had been willing to test it.

The muscles in Klasies thigh had been severed during the attack.

children had related how the leopard, after delivering a fatal bite to the back of his neck, had carried off his body. Qafzeh now led a small group to try to recover Klasies’ head. Signaling for the group to fan out, she cautiously scanned for signs of the leopard. Motioning that the area was safe, the group approached the base of the tree.

There were broken bits of animal bones strewn in a wide area, some of which may have once belonged to Klasies. After several minutes of searching, Qafzeh recovered the skull. There were still bits of shriveled flesh clinging to it, but these were carefully cut and scraped off with a sharp flake. She widened the hole at the base of the skull and then, using a sharpened digging stick, dislodged and removed its contents. Placing the skull in a large leather pack, Qafzeh and her group made their way back across the valley toward the river. The skull was washed clean, and clay was collected from along the river bank.

When it was dry, the skull was covered in a thick layer of white clay. A simplified representation of Klasies’ features was then moulded. The skull was then wrapped in damp plant fibers, and placed into a shallow pit lined with hot embers and dried grasses. The hot pit was then covered with loose sediment and left to bake.

Two days later, the entire Tagi tribe, faces covered with streaks of charcoal, witnessed the ‘rebirth’ of Klasies, as his clay encased skull was removed from its burial. The skull was then passed to each member of the tribe to offer final words of parting and messages for members of Tagi who were no longer physically with the tribe. Qafzeh then lead the tribe, chanting, upriver to their ancestral cave. A large fire was lit at the mouth of the cave, and the tribal members chanted and sang until the sun began to rise. Qafzeh and the mother of Klasies, carried the clay shrouded skull deep into the cave where it was placed on a natural rock shelf in the company of the Tagi ancestors.